Cristina Garmendia: lies, damned lies and statistics. CLEOPATRA AND HYGIENE
below the press release that the Federation of Young Scientists (FJI / Precarious) is doing to get along today to all media.
The latest statements ministry on the alleged increased investment in R + D + i for 2010 are an insult to all researchers. FJI / Precarious requires the Government to double discourse, is essential to a serious and decided to research in Spain.
The Minister for Science and Innovation, Cristina Garmendia, told the House of Congress on Wednesday November 18 that the INE statistics showed that the PSOE had spent more money on R & D + i in four years that PP 8. Minister Garmendia has had forgotten the appointment of the prime minister of Britain, Benjamin Disraeli, who said "There are three kinds of lies: lies, damned lies and statistics." We must remember that nothing is more perverse than to distort reality to deceive the public. The reality is that the increase of GDP in R + D + i for the period 2004-2008 was 64%, less than half of which took place in 1996-2004, which was 132%. After more than 5 years of Government José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, is time we begin to argue with its own merits and demerits not to others. It's insulting that Minister Garmendia want to forget that these same figures show that English investment in R + D + i is in the 1.35% of GDP, far below the 2% that the PSOE's electoral program of 2004 marked as a target for 2010 and the height of tall European powers such as Estonia.
The budget cuts announced in Science (initially, 37%) achieved unanimous protest from the scientific community and society in general. The Government's response to this snip, criticized even by the Minister of Education, has been to make up the numbers, maintaining against all odds that there is a tiny increase of 0'29%, when the reality is that the Budget for to non-financial transactions (Chapters I to VII) decreases by 14.6%. The analysis of the budget for R + D + i reveals a large increase in financial allocations for credits and loans (62%), but down dramatically current expenses or services (-61 '8%) or the cap. VI (-25%), where they drink, among others, many human resource programs. In this regard, it should be noted that already this year has been a brutal cut in public employment opportunities in research and that both the 2008 and 2009, the Ministry has offered only half of postdoctoral support from other years.
anywhere, well, there are proposals to optimize the public R & D, improving budget execution of the games, limiting the bureaucracy that prevents stupid groups take full advantage of the resources obtained, schedule meetings and expedite its resolution, so that researchers can perform their best, and so on. Finally, the ultimate measure of the Government, the Plan Innpulso, is but an Opera Buffa including support for research and construction of bicycle lanes or expansion of landfills (is to locate the Ramón y Cajal researchers have just his contract and go to the street?)
is imperative that the government of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero stop fireworks. It is evident that the economies that have invested in R + D + i are those who have obtained a strong and sustained growth and are better prepared to face the famous crisis. The Government recognizes this, pretending to be interested, but it really does nada al respecto. FJI/PRECARIOS exige que el Sr. Zapatero decida si le interesa el Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación más que como un jarrón con flores marchitas y la Dra. Garmendia si quiere ejercer de florero al que han amputado toda la parte de Universidades, segmentado la gestión global de la Carrera Investigadora, apartado de la negociación de asuntos importantes y con su tema estrella, la Ley de la Ciencia, paralizado desde hace meses. NO ES POSIBLE UNA ECONOMÍA SOSTENIBLE SIN INVERTIR EN CIENCIA
Thursday, November 26, 2009
Friday, November 13, 2009
How Long For Laxative To Work
La historia ha tratado muy bien los encantos de Cleopatra. Se suele decir de ella que fue una de las mujeres más hermosas del antiguo Egipto y no en vano, Elisabeth Taylor puso a la disposición del character faces one of the most enjoyable cinema. But today, thanks to some certain drawings and engravings found at the time, know that their power of seduction was to lie more in his personality than his looks.
In any case, regardless of where their sex appeal, which is a fact that was able to seduce two of the most powerful men of the Roman Empire: Julius Caesar and Mark Antony. The romances with both were tragic to the point that the second of them committed suicide after receiving a false report about the death of Cleopatra. A few days later, she would do the same to avoid falling into the hands of Octavian, the political enemy of her husband.
The once last queen of ancient Egypt professed devotion to the cult of the body and did it with such rigor is said he could get to write a treatise on hygiene and beauty, which has reached our days. Her know that she bathed in asses' milk flavored with honey, wearing lipstick to their lips and green paints for your eyelids, wearing false eyelashes, which was the outline of your eyes with apricot cream to hide their wrinkles and I used the soap as a basic element of hygiene.
And it is in Rome, the city he loved and hated in equal parts to the Egyptian queen, where legend has it that the soap was born. According to it, on Mount Sapo routinely performed animal sacrifices to honor the gods. The remains of these sacrifices were washed away by rain so went into the river Tiber, on whose banks the slaves of Rome washing clothes. These women found that mixing animal fats with ashes of burnt wood in the killing led to a substance which, as a foam, floating in the river and also made it more effective washing.
The Roman Empire was growing and with it the interest of hygiene, refined, as time passed, soap making. However, after the fall of Roman Empire, Century V, the original soap industry stagnated, so we had to wait until the seventeenth century to come, together with the Baroque taste for back health. However, it was not until the late eighteenth century when there was a really important change that would make the soap industry would find a place that will never leave. And in 1791 a French chemist named Nicolas Leblanc developed a method of preparation of sodium carbonate, the substance in the ash and combines with fat to give rise to soap, from sodium chloride or common salt.
Today, for the manufacture of soap is used carbonate sodium but used other alkalis, substances with a very high-pH above ten, such as sodium hydroxide, or caustic soda or potassium hydroxide. What is done is to develop a chemical reaction called saponification between the alkali and a fatty acid. In these reactions saponification by boiling fat and add the corresponding alkali soap is obtained over a chemical called glycerol.
But why does soap clean your clothes? To answer this question we must look at the structure of any soap that has a hydrophobic part, which does not dissolve in water, and a hydrophilic part "I do that dissolves in water. What will happen is that when the soap is a stain, which usually has an organic and therefore does not dissolve in water, tend to go around so that its hydrophobic part in contact with the stain and hand hydrophilic exposed to water, forming a tiny droplets called micelles that they will be electrically charged and which will form emulsions which can be separated from the rest of the aqueous solution, removing the dirt. Today
there brand of cosmetics and perfumery not produce its own soap, so there are soaps of all tastes and all grades. The soap industry is worth billions of euros per year worldwide and basic sanitation has become a matter of necessity.
Thursday, November 12, 2009
Rite Temp 6036 Review
ke "LIVE Anarchist Libertarian
Carlos Crespo
CESU-UMSS
INTRODUCTION Following Gordon (2005 th), I mainly anarchism as a movement which is today can be described as a network decentralized, diverse and growing, providing communication and active solidarity between autonomous nodes of social struggle. One of the features of this, also called "new anarchism" (Graeber, 2002), is that not only has its roots in the historical anarchist movement, but rather in a large intersection of movements, indigenous, ecological, feminist, etc. and mainly the anti-globalization and anti-capitalist movement, which has seen the revival of anarchist values, including communalism.
The idea of \u200b\u200bcommunity is present in anarchist thought, from its inception, Kropotkin defined anarchism as
"principle or theory of life and conduct without government envisions a society in which harmony is achieved, not by submission to law, and obedience to authority, but by free agreements concluded between the various groups, territorial and professional, freely constituted for production and consumption, and the satisfaction of the infinite variety of needs and aspirations of a civilized "(Kropotkin, 1905).
No hierarchy, free agreements between individuals and groups, organized in decentralized organizational systems, but networked to meet basic human needs, that is the vision kropotkiniana community and has influenced practice and ethics anarchist. But a debate within the anarchist thought now is if desired society will be achieved only when the revolution comes and is gone social state and its powers, as suggested by some libertarian currents insurrectionary. But at the same time, from their practice, build and live anarchic anarchist, ie under anarchist principles in their daily lives, social and political.
As anarchists today build community, or forms of community social cohesion? What are the fields of intervention of the Community anarchist practice? This article discusses these questions, and for this, according to Gordon, (2005 ª) we analyze three issues where anarchist practice is immersed, the fight against all forms of domination, direct action and policies prefigurative, and finally non teleological vision of the community. The second part of the document, defending the importance of strengthening the construction of community in the present, from anarchist practice, recover the arguments of the German anarchist Gustav Landauer (1870-1919), on the relationship between state and community. Gustav Landauer's work is now being revisited in the context of the emergence of so-called new anarchism (Graeber, 2002), among other critical aspects of the traditional idea of \u200b\u200bsocial revolution (Gordon, 2005, 2005a; Day 2005).
As an activist in the libertarian movement Bolivia [2] , talk and participate in actions and activities, and this text is the result of this experience, particularly as part of the now defunct Support Group Social Movements (GAMS) and currently with the radio program Salamandra ( http://salamandraradio.blogspot.com/ ), whose interviews were a source of important information.
I. THREE PROBLEMS IN THE DEBATES AND PRACTICE
Anarchist Anarchism today
builds community from three inputs, and can be useful for understanding the current Bolivian libertarian movement. First, activists and affinity groups, self-defined as libertarians, anarchists and / or self, from various scenarios and using a multitude of forms, practices develop resistance to multiple forms of domination also exist in the context of global capitalism. Mentioned communities, indigenous groups and individuals anarchist, libertarian environmentalists, radical feminists, also anarcho-punks groups, usually around cohesive bands that are resisting the powers that be. But the struggle against domination is through direct action, applying the principle of "do it yourself, without waiting for leaders, managers or permission of the State, a process already involves live and practice the desired society, in a coherent account of means and ends in the organization of the anarchist collective action, ie, cohesion and community building from the action. Thus, anarchists trying to build forms of community social cohesion, now, beyond the teleological dream of social revolution. It is this paragraph
1. Domination
Under a regime of domination, power relations are fixed and immobile, where one of the subject is subjected to the will of another, over which is exercised unlimited and endless violence, preventing any reversibility of movement by economic resources, military or political (Patton, 1998). In this type of power relationship, groups and people are controlled, alibis, exploited, humiliated, discriminated (Gordon, 2005 meetings) The domination seeking to subject the will of another, to facilitate removal, the benefit of the activity of other and economic exploitation (Foucault, 1996). There are various forms of domination, overlapping, mutually reinforcing, so diverse experiences of exploitation, humiliation and discrimination. Anarchist practice are aimed primarily at visible, challenge and erode these systems and systems of domination, rejecting any structure of domination and systemic violence, and capitalism, the state, patriarchy and racism.
One of the forms of domination where anarchists Bolivian develop practices of resistance today is racism [3] . The Bolivian government has become, since the exclusion of the indigenous, making visible forms of biological racism and cultural racism, along with corruption, are two features that are part of the "long history" of the country, they feed on each other, and historically have constituted the dominant powers in Bolivia, including the state (Crespo, 2007). With these two power devices, since colonial times have sought to destroy "the common, ie all the strategies and means of access, use of natural resources and its services, based on community systems of reciprocity, mutual aid, solidarity and common good.
Bolivian anarchist movement is fundamentally anti-racist and historically has been supportive and worked with indigenous struggles, as the experience of Local Workers Federation (FOL) in La Paz syndicalist origin, promoting the creation of the Agrarian Federation Department (FAD ) in the decade of the 40 `s, in the fight against the estate and the recovery of lands in the Bolivian Altiplano (Lehm and Rivera, 1998; Rodríguez, 2007) [4] .
Today, collectives and individuals identified as anarchists are part of or supporting the indigenous struggle [5] , denounce the new forms of colonialism and domination racialized, in many cases transvestite multiculturalist discourse (Rivera, 2006; Crespo, 2007 ; Social Dreamer, 2003, Soto, 2007; Nestor, Black, 2007).
2. Prefigurative policies and direct action
After the clashes of January 11, 2007 in Cochabamba, collectives and individuals anti-capitalist and anti-fascists promoted the creation of a fascist coordinator, a network of resistance to the emergence of violent and racist groups, particularly young people, linked the Civic Committee of Cochabamba. Libertarian activists participated and promoted the establishment of the so-called Anti-Fascist Youth Coordinator, the antifascist platform emerged around specific actions, such as organizing a march for the anniversary of the event, which ended in the installation of a "chakana" in the place where coca farmer was killed Juan Ticacolque, January 11 [6] . Immediately inside the organization was a debate on anti-fascist platform structure, while the Trotskyists, Communists and groups sympathetic to MAS, advocated a hierarchical structure based on principles authoritarians, anarchists defending a plural form, horizontal, assembly-and consensus, articulated in a network around concrete actions to fight fascism. The anarchists lost the argument and left the antifascist; this, converted into a traditional hierarchical structure, functional organization and ended up as co-opted by the ruling party.
Box 1. Indymedia and the Indymedia
pluralism was established during the Seattle anti-capitalist revolt as a means of alternative information, based on anarchist principles of equality, decentralization and local autonomy, relationships, non-hierarchical and non-authoritative, consensus decision making, transparent ( www.indymedia.org ). In the management of information, Indymedia is governed by open access and exchange of information, resulted in the use of open publishing web systems.
In Bolivia, Indymedia was created in 2001 with the participation of activists, libertarians ( http://bolivia.indymedia.org/ ), at times serving a counter-effective work, in resisting neoliberal regimes. With access to Evo Morales and the MAS government, Indymedia Bolivia became a page used to both support and criticize the process initiated by the ¨ democratic revolution. " Activists related communicators the government, which have become hegemonic in counter-platform, closed the open access section to upload reviews and news, and introduced filters that prevent publication of information related to the opposition, particularly the "crescent." The argument for this was that the website had convetido in "half of the right and the crescent ¨. Indymedia libertarian communicators severely criticized this decision because it violates the constitutional principles of Indymedia and defended the open system of access and exchange of information.
The emphasis of libertarian activists from non-hierarchical organizational forms and autonomous (See also Box 1) is connected with the fact that anarchism is the only political movement that emphasizes the need for desired social relations within the structures and practices of the revolutionary movement itself. (Gordon, 2005a: 4), the anarchist political practice is primarily pre-figurative, it is anticipated the ways and means of the new company expected today (Franks, 2006, Gordon 2005, 2005a, Graeber, 2002). Since Bakunin, the anarchists claimed the impossibility of building the society of freedom (ie the community), through authoritarian means (Bakunin, 1873 -2004). As Otto says, communicator Indymedia Bolivia, "the social transformation will not come from enlightened few, who will be in the government. " Therefore, the libertarian collectives seek to reproduce the future world society to build or create, as the struggle to abolish hierarchies do the same on demand group, in a sort of "propaganda by the deed", it is easier for people agrees with the idea that there can be no bosses or leaders, when this life is displayed in practice, rather than on paper, in short, the deployment of non-hierarchical structures, where domination is constantly challenged, is an end itself (Gordon, 2005) [7] .
Construction community today, from the direct action is what is historically linked to anarchists and the indigenous movement in Bolivia. As Rivera notes, indigenous communities are self-sufficient entities and are places where anti-authoritarian type of organization has its roots, because the leadership is rotating, as a service to the community (Rivera, 2008).
prefigurative policies contradict the traditional Marxist / Leninist, which considers top-down structures as the best way to conquer the State, one of its paradigms, no doubt, is the Leninist theory of party (Lenin, 1981/1902) whose major concern is the seizure of power through an authoritarian and centralized structure, leaving the building free society "after the revolution."
There is also an individualistic motivation prefigurative policy: "Our revolution must be an immediate revolution in our daily lives ... we must look first and foremost to alter the contents of our lives in a revolutionary way, but to lead our fight to historical changes global will not live to witness ... "(CrimethInc, 2001).
In addition, policies have their side prefigurative "negative" as a mechanism to avoid authoritarian structures and prevent the failure of emancipation processes, but also your face 'positive' or constructive, through the non-hierarchical, collective, communications, networking, are in themselves the basis of reality that will replace today's society (Gordon, 2005) .
On the other hand, policies prefigurative universalize the concept of direct action anarchist, understood as an action without intermediaries, where the individual or group uses its power and resources to change the reality according to your desires, reduce or eliminate their oppression ( Gordon, 2005; Franks, 2006). As stated Aran, libertarian Catalan:
"First, it is about building other relationships social, based on autonomy, mutual support, here and now. Second, the community is from the action and from the "do it yourself"
Through direct action directly involved in a situation, rather than appeal to a foreign agent, as the principle "do it for you same "means acting on their own rather than wait for someone else to do, direct action is an act of freedom and against the creation of" specialists in freedom ", which only create new hierarchies and divisions (Gordon, 2005), and It includes a variety of actions and practices [8] .
3. Final Policy Another open
Catalan libertarian states that "anarchism is not something that one day will come, but it is something we fight every day is a struggle and internal and external." For anarchists today, in general, the revolution is an ongoing process at the present time and everyday life rather than a horizon [9] , the German anarchist Gustav Landauer, stated that "anarchism is not something of the future but the present, not a demand issue, but of life "(Landauer, nn/1901). But it is impossible to ensure that even under the best conditions for sociability and cooperation, some individuals or groups do not reproduce exploitative relationships and domination in society, the idea of \u200b\u200ban end to all forms of domination becomes a technological impossibility, because we do not have the complete list of features that are supposed to be absent (Gordon, 2005). Resistance to all forms of domination in society, state, racism, patriarchy, alienated labor, leads to redefine the "social ties" in all spheres of life.
In this context, the notion of an "anarchist society" as an attainable goal is meaningless, since at most is a society in which everyone is an anarchist, that is, a society in which each person is handled against domination. The task for anarchists today therefore, is not "enter" a new society, but do it as much as possible at the present time [10] .
not forget that anarchism and other grassroots movements are experiencing an area "not delineated" non-hierarchical social relations, thus going against a socialization process, as children, students, workers (Gordon, 2005 ), the various groups are trying to build, with varying degrees of success, other relationships, based on principles of horizontality, autonomy, solidarity and mutual support.
II. Anarchism, state and community. THE FOOTSTEPS OF GUSTAV LANDAUER
The above issues are discussed in the context of a relational conception of power and the state. And Kropotkin (1946/1902) and later Gustav Landauer (2005/1911) showed how individuals and autonomous communities organized around principles of mutual support and alibis have been seduced into statist relations, living a life based on power relations as domination (Day, 2005:136). Landauer is part of the anarchist tradition that considers how state capitalism and not "things" but as a set / set of relationships between subjects (Ibid, 2005:16), stated:
"the state is a condition, a certain relationship between human beings, a form of behavior human form to destroy other relationships, by behaving differently. "(quoted in Marshall, 1992).
For the Marxist tradition, and some classical anarchists, the state is an institution, a" thing ", an instrument to be exercised either by the ruling class (Lenin, nn/1918, or by representatives of a plural set of interests (Laclau & Mouffe, 1985) [11] , and therefore can be destroyed with a revolution (Gambone, 2001 : 3) or by building strategies (counter) hegemonic statist ending reproducing relations of domination that wanted to eliminate (Day, 2005).
The landaueriano argument states that we are helping the state's destruction, as we establish another type of social relations, the same Landauer promoted local agricultural and consumer cooperatives, self-managed, as part of the construction of alternative modes of relationship and social organization , economic policy (Gambone, 2001; Martínez Portillo and Ramajo, 2004). Another
landaueriana vision of the State as a network of social relations is the subjectivity of this relationship, the state is in us, how we live our lives, as stated in the anarcho-punk slogan, "the state is in your head." Moreover, men daily living in a state-run relationship, making the state's coercive order becomes necessary and is represented by this and this (Day, 2005: 125). This order can only be overcome to the extent that this relationship between men is replaced by another, who called Landauer people (people), where people are connected between them, where "based on the process of production and circulation are together again as people grow together as a body with countless bodies and members, "but this is done not in the State, but outside, not the state. That also means with the State, because this finding himself together people, reconstituted and / or updates something that has always been present, form community, which exists alongside the state, but excluded and discriminated against, as the Bolivian case shows clearly. Therefore, anarchist society depends on the technological state of things, but people and their spirit [12] . And, thus destroying the State, is the displacement, conversion will be superfluous, but essentially, according to Landauer is that if groups or experiments lacking sufficient vital communal spirit may not be a community instead of the state the State as they have within them, and therefore reproduce it.
For contemporary anarchism, particularly from the experience libertarian Bolivian a relational view of the state and power, has several achievements:
- social anarchy and daily life in various scales and sizes, today, without waiting for the social revolution ever distant. Create forms of community social cohesion, not mediated by capital and hierarchies and racist state.
- Go beyond merely logical confrontational or reactive to the state or capital, building, with a positive will to power (and without asking anyone's permission "as like to say the Bolivian anarchist Nestor the Black), the company desired today.
- Anarchists can again (re) structuring alliances, collaborations, with movement Indian, this time about the structuring of community social cohesion, beyond the current state hegemonic process, also raised the challenge of structuring productive enterprises and libertarian economy today.
- In a country like Bolivia, where space, time and areas where state presence and its controls are minimal, territorial self-management is possible, as shown in the Indian case, particularly in the lowlands.
- from social ecology and libertarian, in the cities, build self-managed spaces, community. CONCLUSIONS
Five major themes emphasized in anarchism the constitution of forms of community social cohesion. First, build another kind of social relationships based on autonomy, mutual support, here and now, secondly, the community is from the action and from the "do it yourself", third, in a community can not be split social work, among those who think and decide, and more than just obey and execute, fourth, various libertarian and anti-capitalist practices are articulated in a network to coordinate activities and build concrete forms of community cohesion libertarian, fifth, self of these processes.
Thus there are three issues where the anarchists build community today. On the one hand the struggle against various forms of domination in the context of global capitalism, not only of class type. In Bolivia, the struggle against the racist state and its exclusion devices are essential, and together with a historical affinity with indigenous struggles today libertarian anti-racist practice. Second, the practice itself, for anarchists, and other visible the social relations to be built, and direct action is the mechanism for implementing these policies pre-figurative, as the struggle against domination was made using the principle of "do for yourself ", without waiting for leaders, managers or permission of the State. Finally, community building today, the practice of anarchy in society and everyday life now, not necessarily linked with a predetermined purpose (social revolution), breaking with teleological views of politics, such as Marxism.
anarchy society today is connected with an understanding of the state as a set of social relations rather than a tool in the hands of a class or group interests, and following Gustav Landauer, trying to establish other social relations not based on domination and exclusion, but on cooperation and common good, this also implies a break with the internalization of the State in the subjectivity individual and collective.
anarchist practice is building, with varying intensities, scales and magnitudes, anarchy experiences of society and everyday life, but at the same time poses challenges where we must work Bolivian anarchist, anarchy and everyday social life, at various scales and magnitudes, today, without waiting for ever distant social revolution, not mediated by capital and the racist state. Also go beyond merely logical confrontational or reactive to the state or capital, building, with a positive will to power today. Wello would (re) structuring alliances, collaborations, with the indigenous movement, beyond hegemonic process current state, also raised the challenge of structuring productive enterprises and libertarian economics, and from the social ecology and libertarian, in the cities, build self-managed spaces, community. All this in a country like Bolivia, where space, time and areas where state presence and its controls are minimal, is possible.
Cochabamba, October 2008 REFERENCES
- Bakunin, Mikhail (2004/1873) Statism and Anarchy, Buenos Aires: Libertarian Utopia, 231 pp.
- Crespo, Carlos (2007) "'I respect your culture but do not mess with me'." For critique of racism in Bolivia "Libertarian No 1.
- CrimethInc. (2001) Days of War, Nights of Love, Olympia, WA: CrimethInc; http://www.crimethinc.com/library/index.html
- Day, Richard (2005) Gramsci is Dead: Anarchist Currents in the Newest Social Movements, Toronto / London: Between the Lines / Pluto Press.
- Foucault, Michel (1996) "The Ethics of Self Care as a Practice of Freedom", in M. Foucault, Hermeneutics of the Subject, Buenos Aires: Altamira.
- Franks, Benjamin (2006) Rebel alliances: the Means and ends of contemporary anarchisms, Edinburgh: AK Press.
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- Gordon, Uri (2005) Anarchism and Political Theory: Contemporary Problems. Thesis for PhD degree, Mansfield College, University of Oxford.
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- Graeber, David (2002) " The New Anarchists ", New Left Review 13, January - February.
- Indymedia (n / n) Principles of unity, www.indymedia.org , 2 pp.
- Kropotkin, Peter (1946/1902) The mutual support as a factor of progress between animals and men, Buenos Aires: Editorial Americalee. 372 pp.
- Kropotkin, Peter (1905) Anarchism, a definition, in Encyclopedia Britannica (eleventh edition).
http://www.theyliewedie.org/ressources/biblio/es/Kropotkin_-_Anarquismo_definicion.html
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- Lenin, VI (nn/1918) "The State and Revolution. The Marxist doctrine of the state and the tasks of the proletariat in the revolution, "in Selected Works. Moscow: Progress Publishers, pp. 272-365.
- Lenin, VI (1981/1902) "What to do. Burning questions of our movement ", in Collected Works. T VI. Moscow: Editorial Progress. P. 1-203.
- Marshall, Peter (1992) Demanding the impossible. A history of anarchism, Fontane Press, London: 757 pp.
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- Cusicanqui Rivera, Silvia (2006) "Chhjxinakax utxiwa. A reflection on practices and decolonization discourses ", in Mario Yapu (ed.) Modernity and thought decolonization, La Paz: IFEA / U-PIEB.
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- Social Dreamer (2003) "Social Machines against the racist state ", paper to the First National Libertarian Quillacollo: Ediciones La Rose, 3 pp.
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[1] Paper the Second Meeting of Philosophy and Humanities (13-15/X/2008) Institute of Philosophy and Humanities Luis Espinal, Cochabamba, Bolivia.
[2] Although some people doubt their strength and even existence. In fact, one of the panels libertarian Cochabamba meeting (July 2008), the topic of discussion was whether there was an anarchist movement in Bolivia, and as articulated.
[3] Other forms of resistance to domination to name, not worked in this text are the struggles against all forms of patriarchy, as the work of Mujeres Creando (La Paz), Girls dynamite (La Paz), Maiden Libertarian (Cochabamba); On the other hand, the struggle against wage labor, from visions "anti-work" to activists and individuals who claim the work ethic and question posed by this alienation.
[4] In a recent interview, Rivera argues that urban Aymara communities were organized and related both to the indigenous communities of origin and with the trade union movement, that in the 20's was basically anarchist (Rivera, 2008).
[5] Network In Apu Tunari Cochabamba is an example.
[6] View http://jcb-cochabamba.blogspot.com/2008/01/pronunciamiento-n4-de-la-coordinadora.html
[7] The decision to assist and coordinate the libertarian collectives and individuals with other non-anarchists will also be based on consideration of these issues (See Box 1).
[8] "Direct action means not only the occupation of a nuclear plant, but also something less dramatic, often mundane and tedious forms of self-management that involves patience, commitment to democratic procedures, long speeches and a decent respect for the opinions of others within the same community. " (Chuck Morse, in Gordon, 2005), while for the anarcho-syndicalist Rudolf Rocker direct action is every method of immediate control of employees (or other sections of society) against their economic and political oppressors, ranging from the strike, boycott, sabotage, propaganda and in critical cases, the armed resistance of the people for the protection of life and liberty (Rocker, 1978: 66).
[9] Vision that although it was already present in the classics, coexisted with the notion of revolution as an event, a time of great qualitative change scale of social life: "a universal revolution, worldwide ... the formidable reactionary coalition can only be destroyed by the greatest power of the revolutionary alliance simultaneous action of all the people of the civilized world" (Bakunin, quoted in Gordon, 2005) .
[10] Paul Goodman eleven Described as anarchism Both conservative and radical, for we Must Attempt to preserve liberty Those places WHERE May Be Developed in full, as well as create new ones. (Garner, 1998).
[11] Richard Day says, thus approaching the Landauer foucaultnianas governmentality thesis, we are not governed by "institutions" separate from us, we govern ourselves each other through a network of capillary power relations. (Day, 2005:125), therefore, he has no sense to speak of the state as a locus of relations of domination, to the extent that relations of domination are everywhere All we become social agents, all of us we see each other. The State becomes, as Landauer suggested, rule of relationships (Day, 2005:127).
[12] Landauer said that socialism, as he referred to an anarchist society is possible and impossible at a time is possible when the right people with the will to do so. It is impossible when people, whether or not it will supposedly have, but is not able (2005/1911).
Carlos Crespo
CESU-UMSS
INTRODUCTION Following Gordon (2005 th), I mainly anarchism as a movement which is today can be described as a network decentralized, diverse and growing, providing communication and active solidarity between autonomous nodes of social struggle. One of the features of this, also called "new anarchism" (Graeber, 2002), is that not only has its roots in the historical anarchist movement, but rather in a large intersection of movements, indigenous, ecological, feminist, etc. and mainly the anti-globalization and anti-capitalist movement, which has seen the revival of anarchist values, including communalism.
The idea of \u200b\u200bcommunity is present in anarchist thought, from its inception, Kropotkin defined anarchism as
"principle or theory of life and conduct without government envisions a society in which harmony is achieved, not by submission to law, and obedience to authority, but by free agreements concluded between the various groups, territorial and professional, freely constituted for production and consumption, and the satisfaction of the infinite variety of needs and aspirations of a civilized "(Kropotkin, 1905).
No hierarchy, free agreements between individuals and groups, organized in decentralized organizational systems, but networked to meet basic human needs, that is the vision kropotkiniana community and has influenced practice and ethics anarchist. But a debate within the anarchist thought now is if desired society will be achieved only when the revolution comes and is gone social state and its powers, as suggested by some libertarian currents insurrectionary. But at the same time, from their practice, build and live anarchic anarchist, ie under anarchist principles in their daily lives, social and political.
As anarchists today build community, or forms of community social cohesion? What are the fields of intervention of the Community anarchist practice? This article discusses these questions, and for this, according to Gordon, (2005 ª) we analyze three issues where anarchist practice is immersed, the fight against all forms of domination, direct action and policies prefigurative, and finally non teleological vision of the community. The second part of the document, defending the importance of strengthening the construction of community in the present, from anarchist practice, recover the arguments of the German anarchist Gustav Landauer (1870-1919), on the relationship between state and community. Gustav Landauer's work is now being revisited in the context of the emergence of so-called new anarchism (Graeber, 2002), among other critical aspects of the traditional idea of \u200b\u200bsocial revolution (Gordon, 2005, 2005a; Day 2005).
As an activist in the libertarian movement Bolivia [2] , talk and participate in actions and activities, and this text is the result of this experience, particularly as part of the now defunct Support Group Social Movements (GAMS) and currently with the radio program Salamandra ( http://salamandraradio.blogspot.com/ ), whose interviews were a source of important information.
I. THREE PROBLEMS IN THE DEBATES AND PRACTICE
Anarchist Anarchism today
builds community from three inputs, and can be useful for understanding the current Bolivian libertarian movement. First, activists and affinity groups, self-defined as libertarians, anarchists and / or self, from various scenarios and using a multitude of forms, practices develop resistance to multiple forms of domination also exist in the context of global capitalism. Mentioned communities, indigenous groups and individuals anarchist, libertarian environmentalists, radical feminists, also anarcho-punks groups, usually around cohesive bands that are resisting the powers that be. But the struggle against domination is through direct action, applying the principle of "do it yourself, without waiting for leaders, managers or permission of the State, a process already involves live and practice the desired society, in a coherent account of means and ends in the organization of the anarchist collective action, ie, cohesion and community building from the action. Thus, anarchists trying to build forms of community social cohesion, now, beyond the teleological dream of social revolution. It is this paragraph
1. Domination
Under a regime of domination, power relations are fixed and immobile, where one of the subject is subjected to the will of another, over which is exercised unlimited and endless violence, preventing any reversibility of movement by economic resources, military or political (Patton, 1998). In this type of power relationship, groups and people are controlled, alibis, exploited, humiliated, discriminated (Gordon, 2005 meetings) The domination seeking to subject the will of another, to facilitate removal, the benefit of the activity of other and economic exploitation (Foucault, 1996). There are various forms of domination, overlapping, mutually reinforcing, so diverse experiences of exploitation, humiliation and discrimination. Anarchist practice are aimed primarily at visible, challenge and erode these systems and systems of domination, rejecting any structure of domination and systemic violence, and capitalism, the state, patriarchy and racism.
One of the forms of domination where anarchists Bolivian develop practices of resistance today is racism [3] . The Bolivian government has become, since the exclusion of the indigenous, making visible forms of biological racism and cultural racism, along with corruption, are two features that are part of the "long history" of the country, they feed on each other, and historically have constituted the dominant powers in Bolivia, including the state (Crespo, 2007). With these two power devices, since colonial times have sought to destroy "the common, ie all the strategies and means of access, use of natural resources and its services, based on community systems of reciprocity, mutual aid, solidarity and common good.
Bolivian anarchist movement is fundamentally anti-racist and historically has been supportive and worked with indigenous struggles, as the experience of Local Workers Federation (FOL) in La Paz syndicalist origin, promoting the creation of the Agrarian Federation Department (FAD ) in the decade of the 40 `s, in the fight against the estate and the recovery of lands in the Bolivian Altiplano (Lehm and Rivera, 1998; Rodríguez, 2007) [4] .
Today, collectives and individuals identified as anarchists are part of or supporting the indigenous struggle [5] , denounce the new forms of colonialism and domination racialized, in many cases transvestite multiculturalist discourse (Rivera, 2006; Crespo, 2007 ; Social Dreamer, 2003, Soto, 2007; Nestor, Black, 2007).
2. Prefigurative policies and direct action
After the clashes of January 11, 2007 in Cochabamba, collectives and individuals anti-capitalist and anti-fascists promoted the creation of a fascist coordinator, a network of resistance to the emergence of violent and racist groups, particularly young people, linked the Civic Committee of Cochabamba. Libertarian activists participated and promoted the establishment of the so-called Anti-Fascist Youth Coordinator, the antifascist platform emerged around specific actions, such as organizing a march for the anniversary of the event, which ended in the installation of a "chakana" in the place where coca farmer was killed Juan Ticacolque, January 11 [6] . Immediately inside the organization was a debate on anti-fascist platform structure, while the Trotskyists, Communists and groups sympathetic to MAS, advocated a hierarchical structure based on principles authoritarians, anarchists defending a plural form, horizontal, assembly-and consensus, articulated in a network around concrete actions to fight fascism. The anarchists lost the argument and left the antifascist; this, converted into a traditional hierarchical structure, functional organization and ended up as co-opted by the ruling party.
Box 1. Indymedia and the Indymedia
pluralism was established during the Seattle anti-capitalist revolt as a means of alternative information, based on anarchist principles of equality, decentralization and local autonomy, relationships, non-hierarchical and non-authoritative, consensus decision making, transparent ( www.indymedia.org ). In the management of information, Indymedia is governed by open access and exchange of information, resulted in the use of open publishing web systems.
In Bolivia, Indymedia was created in 2001 with the participation of activists, libertarians ( http://bolivia.indymedia.org/ ), at times serving a counter-effective work, in resisting neoliberal regimes. With access to Evo Morales and the MAS government, Indymedia Bolivia became a page used to both support and criticize the process initiated by the ¨ democratic revolution. " Activists related communicators the government, which have become hegemonic in counter-platform, closed the open access section to upload reviews and news, and introduced filters that prevent publication of information related to the opposition, particularly the "crescent." The argument for this was that the website had convetido in "half of the right and the crescent ¨. Indymedia libertarian communicators severely criticized this decision because it violates the constitutional principles of Indymedia and defended the open system of access and exchange of information.
The emphasis of libertarian activists from non-hierarchical organizational forms and autonomous (See also Box 1) is connected with the fact that anarchism is the only political movement that emphasizes the need for desired social relations within the structures and practices of the revolutionary movement itself. (Gordon, 2005a: 4), the anarchist political practice is primarily pre-figurative, it is anticipated the ways and means of the new company expected today (Franks, 2006, Gordon 2005, 2005a, Graeber, 2002). Since Bakunin, the anarchists claimed the impossibility of building the society of freedom (ie the community), through authoritarian means (Bakunin, 1873 -2004). As Otto says, communicator Indymedia Bolivia, "the social transformation will not come from enlightened few, who will be in the government. " Therefore, the libertarian collectives seek to reproduce the future world society to build or create, as the struggle to abolish hierarchies do the same on demand group, in a sort of "propaganda by the deed", it is easier for people agrees with the idea that there can be no bosses or leaders, when this life is displayed in practice, rather than on paper, in short, the deployment of non-hierarchical structures, where domination is constantly challenged, is an end itself (Gordon, 2005) [7] .
Construction community today, from the direct action is what is historically linked to anarchists and the indigenous movement in Bolivia. As Rivera notes, indigenous communities are self-sufficient entities and are places where anti-authoritarian type of organization has its roots, because the leadership is rotating, as a service to the community (Rivera, 2008).
prefigurative policies contradict the traditional Marxist / Leninist, which considers top-down structures as the best way to conquer the State, one of its paradigms, no doubt, is the Leninist theory of party (Lenin, 1981/1902) whose major concern is the seizure of power through an authoritarian and centralized structure, leaving the building free society "after the revolution."
There is also an individualistic motivation prefigurative policy: "Our revolution must be an immediate revolution in our daily lives ... we must look first and foremost to alter the contents of our lives in a revolutionary way, but to lead our fight to historical changes global will not live to witness ... "(CrimethInc, 2001).
In addition, policies have their side prefigurative "negative" as a mechanism to avoid authoritarian structures and prevent the failure of emancipation processes, but also your face 'positive' or constructive, through the non-hierarchical, collective, communications, networking, are in themselves the basis of reality that will replace today's society (Gordon, 2005) .
On the other hand, policies prefigurative universalize the concept of direct action anarchist, understood as an action without intermediaries, where the individual or group uses its power and resources to change the reality according to your desires, reduce or eliminate their oppression ( Gordon, 2005; Franks, 2006). As stated Aran, libertarian Catalan:
"First, it is about building other relationships social, based on autonomy, mutual support, here and now. Second, the community is from the action and from the "do it yourself"
Through direct action directly involved in a situation, rather than appeal to a foreign agent, as the principle "do it for you same "means acting on their own rather than wait for someone else to do, direct action is an act of freedom and against the creation of" specialists in freedom ", which only create new hierarchies and divisions (Gordon, 2005), and It includes a variety of actions and practices [8] .
3. Final Policy Another open
Catalan libertarian states that "anarchism is not something that one day will come, but it is something we fight every day is a struggle and internal and external." For anarchists today, in general, the revolution is an ongoing process at the present time and everyday life rather than a horizon [9] , the German anarchist Gustav Landauer, stated that "anarchism is not something of the future but the present, not a demand issue, but of life "(Landauer, nn/1901). But it is impossible to ensure that even under the best conditions for sociability and cooperation, some individuals or groups do not reproduce exploitative relationships and domination in society, the idea of \u200b\u200ban end to all forms of domination becomes a technological impossibility, because we do not have the complete list of features that are supposed to be absent (Gordon, 2005). Resistance to all forms of domination in society, state, racism, patriarchy, alienated labor, leads to redefine the "social ties" in all spheres of life.
In this context, the notion of an "anarchist society" as an attainable goal is meaningless, since at most is a society in which everyone is an anarchist, that is, a society in which each person is handled against domination. The task for anarchists today therefore, is not "enter" a new society, but do it as much as possible at the present time [10] .
not forget that anarchism and other grassroots movements are experiencing an area "not delineated" non-hierarchical social relations, thus going against a socialization process, as children, students, workers (Gordon, 2005 ), the various groups are trying to build, with varying degrees of success, other relationships, based on principles of horizontality, autonomy, solidarity and mutual support.
II. Anarchism, state and community. THE FOOTSTEPS OF GUSTAV LANDAUER
The above issues are discussed in the context of a relational conception of power and the state. And Kropotkin (1946/1902) and later Gustav Landauer (2005/1911) showed how individuals and autonomous communities organized around principles of mutual support and alibis have been seduced into statist relations, living a life based on power relations as domination (Day, 2005:136). Landauer is part of the anarchist tradition that considers how state capitalism and not "things" but as a set / set of relationships between subjects (Ibid, 2005:16), stated:
"the state is a condition, a certain relationship between human beings, a form of behavior human form to destroy other relationships, by behaving differently. "(quoted in Marshall, 1992).
For the Marxist tradition, and some classical anarchists, the state is an institution, a" thing ", an instrument to be exercised either by the ruling class (Lenin, nn/1918, or by representatives of a plural set of interests (Laclau & Mouffe, 1985) [11] , and therefore can be destroyed with a revolution (Gambone, 2001 : 3) or by building strategies (counter) hegemonic statist ending reproducing relations of domination that wanted to eliminate (Day, 2005).
The landaueriano argument states that we are helping the state's destruction, as we establish another type of social relations, the same Landauer promoted local agricultural and consumer cooperatives, self-managed, as part of the construction of alternative modes of relationship and social organization , economic policy (Gambone, 2001; Martínez Portillo and Ramajo, 2004). Another
landaueriana vision of the State as a network of social relations is the subjectivity of this relationship, the state is in us, how we live our lives, as stated in the anarcho-punk slogan, "the state is in your head." Moreover, men daily living in a state-run relationship, making the state's coercive order becomes necessary and is represented by this and this (Day, 2005: 125). This order can only be overcome to the extent that this relationship between men is replaced by another, who called Landauer people (people), where people are connected between them, where "based on the process of production and circulation are together again as people grow together as a body with countless bodies and members, "but this is done not in the State, but outside, not the state. That also means with the State, because this finding himself together people, reconstituted and / or updates something that has always been present, form community, which exists alongside the state, but excluded and discriminated against, as the Bolivian case shows clearly. Therefore, anarchist society depends on the technological state of things, but people and their spirit [12] . And, thus destroying the State, is the displacement, conversion will be superfluous, but essentially, according to Landauer is that if groups or experiments lacking sufficient vital communal spirit may not be a community instead of the state the State as they have within them, and therefore reproduce it.
For contemporary anarchism, particularly from the experience libertarian Bolivian a relational view of the state and power, has several achievements:
- social anarchy and daily life in various scales and sizes, today, without waiting for the social revolution ever distant. Create forms of community social cohesion, not mediated by capital and hierarchies and racist state.
- Go beyond merely logical confrontational or reactive to the state or capital, building, with a positive will to power (and without asking anyone's permission "as like to say the Bolivian anarchist Nestor the Black), the company desired today.
- Anarchists can again (re) structuring alliances, collaborations, with movement Indian, this time about the structuring of community social cohesion, beyond the current state hegemonic process, also raised the challenge of structuring productive enterprises and libertarian economy today.
- In a country like Bolivia, where space, time and areas where state presence and its controls are minimal, territorial self-management is possible, as shown in the Indian case, particularly in the lowlands.
- from social ecology and libertarian, in the cities, build self-managed spaces, community. CONCLUSIONS
Five major themes emphasized in anarchism the constitution of forms of community social cohesion. First, build another kind of social relationships based on autonomy, mutual support, here and now, secondly, the community is from the action and from the "do it yourself", third, in a community can not be split social work, among those who think and decide, and more than just obey and execute, fourth, various libertarian and anti-capitalist practices are articulated in a network to coordinate activities and build concrete forms of community cohesion libertarian, fifth, self of these processes.
Thus there are three issues where the anarchists build community today. On the one hand the struggle against various forms of domination in the context of global capitalism, not only of class type. In Bolivia, the struggle against the racist state and its exclusion devices are essential, and together with a historical affinity with indigenous struggles today libertarian anti-racist practice. Second, the practice itself, for anarchists, and other visible the social relations to be built, and direct action is the mechanism for implementing these policies pre-figurative, as the struggle against domination was made using the principle of "do for yourself ", without waiting for leaders, managers or permission of the State. Finally, community building today, the practice of anarchy in society and everyday life now, not necessarily linked with a predetermined purpose (social revolution), breaking with teleological views of politics, such as Marxism.
anarchy society today is connected with an understanding of the state as a set of social relations rather than a tool in the hands of a class or group interests, and following Gustav Landauer, trying to establish other social relations not based on domination and exclusion, but on cooperation and common good, this also implies a break with the internalization of the State in the subjectivity individual and collective.
anarchist practice is building, with varying intensities, scales and magnitudes, anarchy experiences of society and everyday life, but at the same time poses challenges where we must work Bolivian anarchist, anarchy and everyday social life, at various scales and magnitudes, today, without waiting for ever distant social revolution, not mediated by capital and the racist state. Also go beyond merely logical confrontational or reactive to the state or capital, building, with a positive will to power today. Wello would (re) structuring alliances, collaborations, with the indigenous movement, beyond hegemonic process current state, also raised the challenge of structuring productive enterprises and libertarian economics, and from the social ecology and libertarian, in the cities, build self-managed spaces, community. All this in a country like Bolivia, where space, time and areas where state presence and its controls are minimal, is possible.
Cochabamba, October 2008 REFERENCES
- Bakunin, Mikhail (2004/1873) Statism and Anarchy, Buenos Aires: Libertarian Utopia, 231 pp.
- Crespo, Carlos (2007) "'I respect your culture but do not mess with me'." For critique of racism in Bolivia "Libertarian No 1.
- CrimethInc. (2001) Days of War, Nights of Love, Olympia, WA: CrimethInc; http://www.crimethinc.com/library/index.html
- Day, Richard (2005) Gramsci is Dead: Anarchist Currents in the Newest Social Movements, Toronto / London: Between the Lines / Pluto Press.
- Foucault, Michel (1996) "The Ethics of Self Care as a Practice of Freedom", in M. Foucault, Hermeneutics of the Subject, Buenos Aires: Altamira.
- Franks, Benjamin (2006) Rebel alliances: the Means and ends of contemporary anarchisms, Edinburgh: AK Press.
- Gambone, Larri (2001) For Community: The Communitarian Anarchism of Gustav Landauer Montreal: Red Lion Press. 14 pp.
- Richard Garner (1998) "The Benefits of non-anarchism Class Struggle to the Movement as a whole." Total No One Liberty Vol 2; http://www.spunk.org/texts/pubs/tl/sp001871.html
- Gordon, Uri (2005) Anarchism and Political Theory: Contemporary Problems. Thesis for PhD degree, Mansfield College, University of Oxford.
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- Lenin, VI (1981/1902) "What to do. Burning questions of our movement ", in Collected Works. T VI. Moscow: Editorial Progress. P. 1-203.
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- Ramajo Francisco Martínez Lourdes Portillo (2004) "Gustav Landauer: sometimes looking north looking back", The Libertarian not 41; http://www.nodo50.org/ellibertario/41_gustavolandauer.htm
- Néstor , black (2007) The politics of nation-state is against the culture of the communal form, Cochabamba: mimeo. 6 pp.
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[1] Paper the Second Meeting of Philosophy and Humanities (13-15/X/2008) Institute of Philosophy and Humanities Luis Espinal, Cochabamba, Bolivia.
[2] Although some people doubt their strength and even existence. In fact, one of the panels libertarian Cochabamba meeting (July 2008), the topic of discussion was whether there was an anarchist movement in Bolivia, and as articulated.
[3] Other forms of resistance to domination to name, not worked in this text are the struggles against all forms of patriarchy, as the work of Mujeres Creando (La Paz), Girls dynamite (La Paz), Maiden Libertarian (Cochabamba); On the other hand, the struggle against wage labor, from visions "anti-work" to activists and individuals who claim the work ethic and question posed by this alienation.
[4] In a recent interview, Rivera argues that urban Aymara communities were organized and related both to the indigenous communities of origin and with the trade union movement, that in the 20's was basically anarchist (Rivera, 2008).
[5] Network In Apu Tunari Cochabamba is an example.
[6] View http://jcb-cochabamba.blogspot.com/2008/01/pronunciamiento-n4-de-la-coordinadora.html
[7] The decision to assist and coordinate the libertarian collectives and individuals with other non-anarchists will also be based on consideration of these issues (See Box 1).
[8] "Direct action means not only the occupation of a nuclear plant, but also something less dramatic, often mundane and tedious forms of self-management that involves patience, commitment to democratic procedures, long speeches and a decent respect for the opinions of others within the same community. " (Chuck Morse, in Gordon, 2005), while for the anarcho-syndicalist Rudolf Rocker direct action is every method of immediate control of employees (or other sections of society) against their economic and political oppressors, ranging from the strike, boycott, sabotage, propaganda and in critical cases, the armed resistance of the people for the protection of life and liberty (Rocker, 1978: 66).
[9] Vision that although it was already present in the classics, coexisted with the notion of revolution as an event, a time of great qualitative change scale of social life: "a universal revolution, worldwide ... the formidable reactionary coalition can only be destroyed by the greatest power of the revolutionary alliance simultaneous action of all the people of the civilized world" (Bakunin, quoted in Gordon, 2005) .
[10] Paul Goodman eleven Described as anarchism Both conservative and radical, for we Must Attempt to preserve liberty Those places WHERE May Be Developed in full, as well as create new ones. (Garner, 1998).
[11] Richard Day says, thus approaching the Landauer foucaultnianas governmentality thesis, we are not governed by "institutions" separate from us, we govern ourselves each other through a network of capillary power relations. (Day, 2005:125), therefore, he has no sense to speak of the state as a locus of relations of domination, to the extent that relations of domination are everywhere All we become social agents, all of us we see each other. The State becomes, as Landauer suggested, rule of relationships (Day, 2005:127).
[12] Landauer said that socialism, as he referred to an anarchist society is possible and impossible at a time is possible when the right people with the will to do so. It is impossible when people, whether or not it will supposedly have, but is not able (2005/1911).
Caravel Labeled Parts
* Faced with the recent demonstration of criminalizing policy against the autonomous social movements by the Venezuelan government, a member of the drafting of the Libertarian position that exposes the anarchist collective to the issue.
When this text is written Lusbi Portillo, a professor at the University of Zulia (Maracaibo), environmental activist and permanent solidarity with the indigenous movement, is in hiding to protect his life and physical integrity. After the events of October 13 in the Sierra de Perija, where Yukpas killed two and wounded five others in the degeneration of a conflict whose background motivation is the demarcation of indigenous lands. Police officials claimed that the region was imminent issuance of an arrest warrant against the university on a charge of possession of drugs. " It is not the first time that the teacher is criminalized for their active support of the claims of native peoples, but to the evolution of events, in which the investigation of events has been decreed "reason of state" by the authorities - decided to take preventive measures with their place in the underground.
Environmentalist enhanced its role in indigenous struggles reacting to the government announcement, made by the President of the Republic on 13 November 2003: triple coal exploitation in Zulia to carry 36 million metric tons annually. The first "error" Lusbi Portillo, from the perspective of immobilizing polarization that has monopolized the national political scene, has been to keep up its values \u200b\u200band demands despite the official discourse which promised to meet them at some future time. Despite their own expectations and personal sympathies, Portillo mortgaged their claims or accept degrade in the hierarchy of priorities, while preserving their autonomy as social initiative, which kept its convening power to the problems of their business despite the electoral situations.
A second "mistake" Lusbi Portillo has been to reason with their own heads. Unlike other intellectuals and academics whose speech has been degraded to the level of taste and tinted domes of government and the opposition, Portillo blends elements of research and activism to generate a thought that motivates him to act accordingly. Thus it has been able to diagnose the roots of public and private policies that affect the nature and way of life of indigenous peoples, making a correct assessment of the consequences the progressive coupling of Venezuela to the main trends in the global economy. Thus the development plan relates to the Zulia region promoted within the proposed Regional Infrastructure Initiative (IIRSA), an integration which aims to optimize the flow of energy resources and increasing regional competitiveness to satisfy demand international. In dozens of papers and lectures, Portillo has shown that the IIRSA project conveniently muted by limited polarized debate, represents the flip side of a policy publicly condemned the current government train: The Free Trade Area of \u200b\u200bthe Americas ( FTAA). This sharp depth review of the role assigned to the country by major global economic players, including other so-called development policies "endogenous" as Puerto America, the Southern Gas Pipeline, the operating reserve and development Imataca Orinoco axis -Apure, lets see what is really behind the capitalist myth that proclaims the current occupant of the Palace of Miraflores.
A third "error" Lusbi Portillo has been that, in the context of their immediate demands, the preservation of the environment and the rights of indigenous peoples, has established partnerships and relationships with grassroots initiatives of all kinds, which precondition is not your own definition to President Chavez, but their degree of solidarity with nature and indigenous communities in the country. Portillo has thus been the central node of an ad hoc network variable geometry, not without conflicts and fluctuations, has developed one of the few experiences in the country which has resisted the deployment Manichaeism to try to build and express their own perspective , giving an example of how to disassemble the demagoguery of those who feed the false dilemma, "Chavez vs. Chavez opponents" to domesticate social struggles and build electoral purpose limelight.
All of the above "weaknesses" are condemning the Lusbi Portillo ostracism and isolation, precisely one of the goals set by any policy that criminalizes protests belligerent and independent of social activists. After he repeatedly threatened to previous warnings, two women, the lawyers Luisa Ortega Diaz (Attorney General's Office) and Gabriela Ramirez (Ombudsman) - will be jointly responsible for any injury to liberty, personal integrity and life of Lusbi Portillo, an activist whose biggest mistake was to keep up their ancient beliefs in a time marked by opportunistic ethics and values \u200b\u200bfor air conditioning sleepy. Solidarity with Lusbi Portillo.
ellibertario@nodo50.org
www.nodo50.org/ellibertario
Chicken Pox Virus Survive In The Air?
The Nobel Prize in Economics
USA: The first woman to win the Nobel Prize in Economics, he does validating anarchist principles
Elinor Ostrom, in his book that refutes the "Tragedy of the Commons "has challenged the conventional view that common property is always a poorly maintained and should be regulated by a central authority or it privatized. Based on numerous studies made by users of fish, pastures, forests, lakes and groundwater basins, Ostrom concludes that the results are, more often than not, better than those predicted by standard theories. The choice of Elinor Ostrom como co-ganadora del Premio Nobel de Economía de 2009 hará mucho por el avance de la teoría anarquista entre la intelectualidad.
Ostrom ha sido citada por su obra sobre la gestión de las fuentes o estanques comunes, o los "comunes", y debería inspirar a más pensadores a reconocer el potencial para las soluciones a los problemas que parecen inmunes tanto para soluciones de propiedad privada como para las soluciones de propiedad gubernamental.
Su obra ofrece munición para aquellos de nosotros que NO creemos que una sociedad libre requiera que toda la propiedad sea privatizada, ya que ella ha hecho muchas investigaciones empíricas sobre, por ejemplo, la gestión de los bosques. Su obra también tiene aplicaciones further guidance on solving problems of all kinds of "commons" that seem to stop thinking libertarian.
strongly recommend that people read his 1990 book, Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action, but I would like in this post above summarize the principles she identified in successful attempts to address the problem of " Tragedy of the Commons "pointed in the classic paper by Garrett Hardin. Applying these principles to all types of public policies could take us a lifetime (which, of course, is one of the reasons why I could not make a centrally planned society.) In their studies
what distinguishes the management efforts succeed common failures is:
1. Clarity on the limits and standards. As we are cool people, anarchists have much appreciation of the minimization of unnecessary conflicts. When people know what is and what is not acceptable behavior of others, it is easier for us to adapt our actions according to these expectations. Of course, the idiots who released nonsense like, "ignorance of the law is no excuse to" act government prosecutors inevitably, the rest understand that the common law gives his greatest service to clarify the expectations of people can interact a cooperative and peaceful.
2. Local information and acceptance of these rules. Friedrich Hayek, co-winner of the first Nobel laureate in economics, would be proud. A closer someone is in a situation, the more I know that others do not know. Central planning, even when performed angels, does not produce good standards for information problems. The fact that angels are in charge is, of course, another problem. Ostrom is well informed about the theory of "public choice" and know that government regulators are human with your own information and incentive problems.
3. Active involvement of those Commons likely to be used in monitoring their use. To those who are more interested, they need either involved directly or delegate the monitoring trust. Again, central planning, particularly with regard to government officials accountable if they do, to a variety of people much larger than the mere interest in common and are engaged in a variety of activities that goes beyond the simple management of common, can not effectively monitor and accountability. If the people who most need the commons can not dismiss those who protect them, the tragedy is inevitable.
4. Conflict resolution methods. Is basic anarchist theory to the idea that the conflicting parties accept mediation or arbitration of a third party in that conflict. One of the injustices of government is that any dispute between a government and private individuals is allocated by the government itself. The evolution of the common law was much more than an ad hoc choice of an arbitrator to agreements allowing the parties know in advance how to resolve disagreements. Conflicts are inevitable conflict resolution is necessary, and evolves.
5. Penalties on violators. Naturally, those who are trusted to the arbitrators, or, worse, those who are declared "unlawful" to refuse any discretion a third person may need to be encouraged to enforce sanctions provided. Anarchists in general emphasize the value of ostracism and boycott, as effective tools against those who are part of the local community, but recognize that sometimes force is needed against some violators. Clearly, you may need to restrict the saboteurs physically to protect the forest. Even when local acceptance and monitoring of standards is strong, violations are rare, usually accidental, and typically resolved without the need for violence.
Inevitably, this award will bring the emergence of literature available on Ostrom's ideas and their implications, will encourage more academic research on voluntary governance institutions and how they arise, and give credibility to the point of view "libertarian left" that denies the need for traditional formulations of property rights to solve all the problems (but not deny that a better understanding of property rights as a set of rights rather than as an absolute dominion over a territory is a way to see many of these solutions, as the libertarian communist support to the "possession" can be reformulated as an interpretation specific property rather than its rejection). Dr. Ostrom
A: Bravo!
infoshop.org . ALB results
USA: The first woman to win the Nobel Prize in Economics, he does validating anarchist principles
Elinor Ostrom, in his book that refutes the "Tragedy of the Commons "has challenged the conventional view that common property is always a poorly maintained and should be regulated by a central authority or it privatized. Based on numerous studies made by users of fish, pastures, forests, lakes and groundwater basins, Ostrom concludes that the results are, more often than not, better than those predicted by standard theories. The choice of Elinor Ostrom como co-ganadora del Premio Nobel de Economía de 2009 hará mucho por el avance de la teoría anarquista entre la intelectualidad.
Ostrom ha sido citada por su obra sobre la gestión de las fuentes o estanques comunes, o los "comunes", y debería inspirar a más pensadores a reconocer el potencial para las soluciones a los problemas que parecen inmunes tanto para soluciones de propiedad privada como para las soluciones de propiedad gubernamental.
Su obra ofrece munición para aquellos de nosotros que NO creemos que una sociedad libre requiera que toda la propiedad sea privatizada, ya que ella ha hecho muchas investigaciones empíricas sobre, por ejemplo, la gestión de los bosques. Su obra también tiene aplicaciones further guidance on solving problems of all kinds of "commons" that seem to stop thinking libertarian.
strongly recommend that people read his 1990 book, Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action, but I would like in this post above summarize the principles she identified in successful attempts to address the problem of " Tragedy of the Commons "pointed in the classic paper by Garrett Hardin. Applying these principles to all types of public policies could take us a lifetime (which, of course, is one of the reasons why I could not make a centrally planned society.) In their studies
what distinguishes the management efforts succeed common failures is:
1. Clarity on the limits and standards. As we are cool people, anarchists have much appreciation of the minimization of unnecessary conflicts. When people know what is and what is not acceptable behavior of others, it is easier for us to adapt our actions according to these expectations. Of course, the idiots who released nonsense like, "ignorance of the law is no excuse to" act government prosecutors inevitably, the rest understand that the common law gives his greatest service to clarify the expectations of people can interact a cooperative and peaceful.
2. Local information and acceptance of these rules. Friedrich Hayek, co-winner of the first Nobel laureate in economics, would be proud. A closer someone is in a situation, the more I know that others do not know. Central planning, even when performed angels, does not produce good standards for information problems. The fact that angels are in charge is, of course, another problem. Ostrom is well informed about the theory of "public choice" and know that government regulators are human with your own information and incentive problems.
3. Active involvement of those Commons likely to be used in monitoring their use. To those who are more interested, they need either involved directly or delegate the monitoring trust. Again, central planning, particularly with regard to government officials accountable if they do, to a variety of people much larger than the mere interest in common and are engaged in a variety of activities that goes beyond the simple management of common, can not effectively monitor and accountability. If the people who most need the commons can not dismiss those who protect them, the tragedy is inevitable.
4. Conflict resolution methods. Is basic anarchist theory to the idea that the conflicting parties accept mediation or arbitration of a third party in that conflict. One of the injustices of government is that any dispute between a government and private individuals is allocated by the government itself. The evolution of the common law was much more than an ad hoc choice of an arbitrator to agreements allowing the parties know in advance how to resolve disagreements. Conflicts are inevitable conflict resolution is necessary, and evolves.
5. Penalties on violators. Naturally, those who are trusted to the arbitrators, or, worse, those who are declared "unlawful" to refuse any discretion a third person may need to be encouraged to enforce sanctions provided. Anarchists in general emphasize the value of ostracism and boycott, as effective tools against those who are part of the local community, but recognize that sometimes force is needed against some violators. Clearly, you may need to restrict the saboteurs physically to protect the forest. Even when local acceptance and monitoring of standards is strong, violations are rare, usually accidental, and typically resolved without the need for violence.
Inevitably, this award will bring the emergence of literature available on Ostrom's ideas and their implications, will encourage more academic research on voluntary governance institutions and how they arise, and give credibility to the point of view "libertarian left" that denies the need for traditional formulations of property rights to solve all the problems (but not deny that a better understanding of property rights as a set of rights rather than as an absolute dominion over a territory is a way to see many of these solutions, as the libertarian communist support to the "possession" can be reformulated as an interpretation specific property rather than its rejection). Dr. Ostrom
A: Bravo!
infoshop.org . ALB results
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